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If you don’t understand that the Religious Right’s conservatism does not stem from honest differences in faith, if you don’t get that it’s about particular structures of power, you badly misunderstand the situation, and you are not ready for prime time.

White Christian nationalism’s foot soldiers don’t necessarily connect their racial resentment with their devotion to the Bible, yet they’re often trying to retake what they presume to be lost: white and Christian dominance.

It makes no difference whether or not Tarrant or Breivik were card-carrying members of racist organizations. They imagined themselves as triumphant warriors in a great social struggle.

Speaking about her faith in a recent CNN town hall meeting the senator managed to avoid the mistakes of so many of her predecessors.

When we fail to remember our plural origins in the West, we help white terrorists erase our own history.

In 2007, more than 500 members of the National Right to Life Committee met to strategize and plot tactics for winnowing away at Roe, laying the groundwork for reducing abortion access for years to come.

Our focus should be on the capture of the debate over U.S.-Israeli relations by a dominant narrative in which a single set of authorities (both political and religious) claims exclusive access to a rich and fluid set of political and religious traditions.

R.J. Rushdoony used Christian Reconstructionism to spread his dominionist influence over different parts of the United States, and his followers continue to extend their reach, including into the federal government.

Even as advocates point to growing Islamophobia as the cause of the attack, the larger issue seems to be white Christian nationalism.