The annual spring Salone Internazionale del Libro in Turin is not just a book fair, but one of Italy’s most important cultural events: five days of debates, book presentations, and discussions with writers from Italy and around the world, featuring countless publishers’ stands spread across the Lingotto exhibition hall. But in May 2019, the fair instead offered a barometer of the tensions Italy was facing surrounding the resurgence, or continued presence, of fascism in the third millennium. For days, news headlines focused on the book fair, but not, this time, because of its programming or talks. Rather, the media’s attention stemmed from the fact that a new publisher had been allowed to exhibit at the event: Altaforte Edizioni, a recently established publishing house directly associated with CasaPound Italia (CPI), the political movement whose activists define themselves as “fascists of the third millennium”—a modern continuation of Italy’s fascist history. Italian antifascists, intellectuals, and writers protested the inclusion of Altaforte[1] and the Auschwitz-Birkenau museum of Poland threatened to withdraw its participation.[2]
Altaforte’s books mainly revolve around a revisionist history of Italian fascism, and the publishing house intended to use the fair to launch a book profiling far-right politician Matteo Salvini, federal secretary of the League (formerly the Northern League party) and, at the time, Italy’s Minister of Interior. With the book’s publication, an alliance emerged at the public level linking Salvini’s League with CPI.
This episode wasn’t the first of its kind, but it unquestionably changed the level of institutionalization and general acceptance that neofascism has been able to secure in modern Italy. And that mainstreaming was largely thanks to CPI, a movement and political party born in Rome in 2003.
The History of CasaPound Italia
The CasaPound movement emerged in 2003, when a group of young activists occupied a seven-story building in downtown Rome with the declared intent of opposing what they defined as the “usury” of the Roman rental market.[3] This word, “usury,” was an explicit reference to the term used by American poet Ezra Pound in his Cantos, denouncing the banking system. The movement saw Ezra Pound—perhaps the most prominent U.S. literary figure to embrace fascism, via a critique of the banking system based in antisemitic conspiracy theories[4]—as its mentor, and their name reflected a dual reference: on one side, their attention to the housing (“Casa”) crisis in Italy, and, on the other, their adoption of Pound’s name to denounce the banking system. CasaPound was an integral part of the Fiamma Tricolore political party, one among the galaxy of right-wing parties founded after an Italian political crisis in 1994.[5]
The building they occupied was located near Rome’s Termini railway station, in an ethnically diverse neighborhood populated mainly by Chinese and Bengali immigrants—a fact that led them to declare the building the “Italian Embassy.” It wasn’t the only building they occupied; several years later, members of the group also occupied an abandoned former train station, which they called “Area 19, Postazione Nemica” (“Area 19, Enemy Position”) and used for concerts and other public events. The activists were eventually evicted from Area 19 in 2015, but the group held on to its so-called “Italian Embassy,” which is still occupied by movement activists and today serves as both the group’s organizational headquarters and its symbolic home.
In 2006, CasaPound activists established Blocco Studentesco, a branch devoted to forming collectives in high schools and universities and presenting candidates for student government elections. In 2008 the group broke with Fiamma Tricolore and CPI became an independent association with offices in many major Italian cities.[6] Five years later, in 2013, CPI participated for the first time in local elections (after becoming an independent political party in 2012).[7] In the Lazio regional elections in February (the region of which Rome is the capital), it obtained 0.8 percent of the vote in Lazio.[8] In local elections in Rome that May, the same Casa Pound candidate received 0.6 percent.[9] In 2016 these numbers almost doubled, to 1.14 percent of the vote in Rome,[10] and as high as six percent in other cities such as Bolzano,[11] and as high as eight percent in Lucca in 2017,[12] enabling the party to place several delegates on municipal councils. But in the administrative election of 2018, CPI got just 0.95 percent of the vote,[13] and in 2019, the party disbanded, reverting to an independent movement with a focus on influencing far-right youth culture, via publications, clothing brands, and music.[14]
A Political and Cultural Program
CPI’s political agenda incorporates many points central to the fascist tradition,[15] including a focus on housing and the group’s proposed Mutuo Sociale legislation, which would grant Italian families who have resided in their region for at least five years the right to home ownership by building new housing.[16] The proposed legislation also features a provision to nationalize the country’s banks, justified by the charge that bankers and their families—allegedly always tied to foreign multinational corporations—constitute the core cause of social injustice in Italy. CPI’s political platform is clearly inspired by Benito Mussolini’s 1943 “Manifesto of Verona.”[17] While they have eliminated explicit references to the racist policies of the epoch,[18] their original written agenda contained an entire paragraph copied verbatim from the Manifesto (although they don’t present it as a quote).[19]
In terms of its political style, CPI has succeeded in modernizing many of the proposals already present in the legacy of Italian neofascism. Most striking is the attention it grants to communication[20] through multiple channels, including social networks;[21] its construction of an original and novel language; and its use of provocative media campaigns, such as squadrismo mediatico or “media squadrism” (discussed more later). The innovation CPI seeks to inject into the world of neofascism isn’t a specific policy program so much as a new way of doing politics. As their neofascist guru Gabriele Adinolfi has said: “push away everything that is far right, and take back everything that is fascist.”[22]
Alongside its political platform and presence, CPI also grew as a cultural movement largely based around the Oi! punk rock band ZetaZeroAlfa, whose members were among the first to occupy CasaPound’s “Italian Embassy.” ZetaZeroAlfa’s frontman, Gianluca Iannone, leads both the musical group and the political movement, and CPI as a movement largely developed around the band.[23] If the “Italian Embassy” is where the movement started, CPI’s second occupation in Rome, “Area 19, Enemy Position”—what Albanese calls the “temple” of ZetaZeroAlfa[24]—became the site where the community has been able to meet, take shape and grow. While the station was occupied, it played a central role in the third millennium fascist movement, hosting meetings and concerts alike.
Within the movement, there’s a focus on hierarchy and obedience, virtues that activists interpret as absolute trust in the rightness of their leader. There’s also an element of ritualized violence—something very much in keeping with fascism’s sacralization of violence and emphasis on militarized masculinism. During ZetaZeroAlfa concerts, an interesting phenomenon called Cinghiamattanza occurs. The term derives from one of the band’s songs, which describes fighting with belts, and when it’s performed, CPI activists remove their belts and hit each other with them,[25] as the lyrics encourage them to do: “Cinghiamattanza! First, I take off my belt;/ Two, the dance begins /Three: I aim well;/ four cinghiamattanza.”[26]
This expression of “symbolic violence,” as one CPI sympathizer termed it, is perhaps best understood as an expression of activists’ deep commitment to the movement. Far from just filling out a ballot in a voting booth, their participation has powerful existential value. For them, CPI is experienced first and foremost as a community of struggle, and belonging to it is a matter of lived experience in which sacrificing one’s life for the community is naturalized. As one CPI activist explained to me, “It’s a way of experiencing things that naturally leads you to transcend yourself,” and a matter of destiny in which “preserving that community is like preserving your own life.”[27]
The process of becoming involved in the CPI community unfolds through the same kind of dynamics described by George Mosse[28] in relation to the “new politics” of the Third Reich, wherein rites and rituals help generate and grant structure to the political agenda.[29] While in the past such rites consisted of militaristic parades and marches, among third millennium fascists, music, concerts, and even a shared fashion[30] assume the primary role of rituals that spread the leader’s authority through song lyrics.
Interaction with the League
The electoral success of the League since Matteo Salvini became federal secretary in 2013, and Salvini’s later appointment as Minister of the Interior (a position he held from March 2018 to August 2019), is only the latest development to attest to the speed with which fascist culture is spreading and constructing a new consensus.[31] Salvini had repeatedly demonstrated his friendship with CPI, both through a formal alliance (called Sovranità) the League made with CPI in 2015, as well as through less-institutional public displays of kinship.[32] In 2015 for example, Salvini was photographed having dinner with CPI leaders;[33] after the spring 2018 elections, he attended a football match wearing a jacket made by Pivert, a clothing brand created by prominent CPI supporters.[34]
Francesco Polacchi, the founder and chief editor of Altaforte Edizioni who sought to participate in the Turin book fair, is among CPI’s leading members. He first gained notoriety in 2008 when, during a student demonstration in Rome, he led a group of around 20 CPI activists in attacking young protestors with iron bars while wearing motorcycle helmets, injuring many.[35] Polacchi spoke to police on CPI’s behalf, and YouTube videos of the incident reveal officers’ seeming familiarity with him, as they called him by his first name.[36] At the time, Polacchi headed CPI’s school-based branch, Blocco Studentesco. And the year before the demonstration, in 2007, Polacchi had been accused of attempted murder as a result of a violent clash in Sardinia.[37] (Ultimately, the statute of limitations for the crime expired in 2017.[38]) But despite that history of violence, Polacchi was among the CPI leaders present at the dinner with Salvini and owns and manages the Pivert clothing brand through which Salvini signaled his enduring support.[39]
Concrete Violence and “Media Squadrism”
When controversy erupted over CPI’s presence at the Turin book fair, Polacchi declared that the journalist who’d first condemned their participation was “a moral instigator” whom he’d hold responsible for “any aggression against Altaforte Edizioni at the Salone.”[40] Polacchi’s thinly veiled threat was published in major Italian press outlets, enabling CPI to use the media to intimidate its critics.[41] The same was true of a declaration Polacchi made outside the fair after protests led to his being banned from entrance. “I’m fascist. Antifascism is the real problem of this country,”[42] he said in a statement that was quoted uncritically by the press.[43]
Declarations and threats like these are central to CPI’s longstanding strategy of what they call “media squadrism.” In Italian, “squadrismo” has a specific historical connotation, referring to the violence the Fascist “blackshirts” committed in the early 1920s to suppress their political opponents and gain power.[44] CPI third millennium fascists have not hesitated to claim this legacy as a source of political identity and historical legitimization, giving direction and meaning to its acts of violence.[45]
Just as in the 20th Century, the contemporary diffusion of fascist culture and political mobilization is closely linked to two distinct but parallel elements. On one side lies violence as a practice, connected to a concrete past that’s been transformed into a foundational mythology. Violence, in this perspective, is not only a tool for building group identity and a sense of belonging, but also a tool for gaining visibility, appearing on newspapers’ front pages, and seizing a space of power. It is a strategy for provoking fear and taking concrete steps in the pursuit of power.
On the other hand, there are concrete links to institutional power through the political support CPI has received since its inception. Matteo Salvini is only the latest institutional figure to lend CPI his explicit support. In 2009, Paola Concia, a well-known Partito Democratico parliament member, took part in a CPI-organized debate on LGBTQ issues, helping grant the group legitimacy.[46] Additionally, after CPI first occupied its so-called “Italian Embassy” in 2003, no Roman mayor, from either the Center-Left or the Right, attempted to reclaim the building for 16 years. (In 2019, finally, the city’s new mayor, Virginia Raggi of the Five Star Movement, made a tepid suggestion to take the building back, but it wasn’t acted upon. To date, the building is still occupied by third millennium fascist activists.) Likewise, CPI as an organization has suffered no consequences for its members’ repeated acts of violence,[47] including a 2011 massacre in Florence, in which a CPI sympathizer killed two Senegalese migrant workers and injured three more before killing himself.[48] Although the episode drew public outrage, journalists and politicians—notably including Mayor of Florence Matteo Renzi—parroted CPI’s defense that the killer was mentally ill.[49] Press outlets only denounced the massacre as a racist act, never pointing out its ties to fascist thought—particularly fascist idealization of violence as sacrifice by a movement martyr—and failed to denounce the killer’s connections with CPI ideology and organizing.
In recent years, CPI’s continued focus on fierce anti-immigrant and anti-refugee sentiment, as the movement has organized countless demonstrations in front of refugee centers, has led to further acts of violence. In 2016, a Nigerian refugee was beaten to death by a CPI sympathizer in Fermo, a small town in central Italy, who’d insulted the victim’s wife by calling her an “African monkey.”[50] In 2018, a massacre almost broke out in nearby Macerata when a neofascist activist from the League shot all the Black people he encountered on the street, injuring six.[51]
Despite these incidents, CPI has continually evaded repercussions for its activists’ actions.
In 2016, the group escaped consequences in the civil court system as well, when a lawsuit was brought against CPI by Ezra Pound’s daughter, charging that the movement had misappropriated her father’s name to advocate violence. The judge in Rome who heard the case, however, declared that CPI’s name was sufficiently distinct from Pound’s, and that “it did not legitimate the use of violence under the poet’s name.”[52] That verdict was supported by a 2015 letter from the Ministry of the Interior and Office of the Prefect of Police, which described CPI activists as motivated by “a manifest and declared wish to support a reappraisal of fascism’s most innovative aspects” and a “primary engagement for protecting the poor.”[53] The letter acknowledged the episodic violence that surrounds CPI, but blamed it on “so-called militant anti-fascism,” which refused to recognize CPI’s “right to engage in political activity.” It was the same argument, delivered from on high, that Francesco Polacchi would make in Turin in 2019: casting CPI violence as strictly defensive, and blaming anti-fascists for any conflicts that arose from his movement.
What happened in Turin last year is just one example of how Italy’s fascist past is resurging in the present moment, granting meaning and identity to neofascist activists, and taking up concrete political space across Italian society. These developments go far beyond individual debates about the existence of a movement, group, party, or publishing house. What’s at stake is the way in which Italy confronts—or fails to confront—its own past, and how that past is now permeating deeply into Italian society, shaping it according to its own image.
Endnotes
[1] “Gomito a gomito coi neofascisti? Mai. Ovvero: perché non andremo al #SalonedelLibro di #Torino,” Wu Ming Foundation, May 5, 2019, https://www.wumingfoundation.com/giap/2019/05/non-andremo-al-salone-del-libro/.
[2] Angela Giuffrida, “Anger grows over neo-fascist publisher’s presence at Turin book fair,” The Guardian, May 7, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/may/07/anger-grows-over-neo-fascist-publishers-presence-at-turin-book-fair.
[3] Pietro Castelli Gattinara and Caterina Froio, “Why Italy’s media fixates on CasaPound, an extreme-right party with a racist agenda,” The Washington Post, May 28, 2019, https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2019/05/28/why-italys-media-fixates-casapound-an-extreme-right-party-with-racist-agenda/.
[4] Louis Menand, “The Pound Error,” The New Yorker, June 2, 2008, https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2008/06/09/the-pound-error.
[5] Maurizio Cotta and Luca Verzichelli, Political Institutions in Italy, (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 40.
[6] Tobias Jones, “The fascist movement that has brought Mussolini back to the mainstream,” The Guardian, February 22, 2018, https://www.theguardian.com/news/2018/feb/22/casapound-italy-mussolini-fascism-mainstream.
[7] Heiko Koch, “CasaPound Italia,” in Trouble on the Far Right: Contemporary Right-Wing Strategies and Practices in Europe, eds. Maik Fielitz and Laura Lotte Laloire, (Colombia University Press, 2017), 79-86.
[8] Tuttitalia, “Elezioni Regionali Lazio 2013,” https://www.tuttitalia.it/elezioni-italiane/elezioni-regionali-lazio-2013/.
[9] Dipartimento per gli AffariInterni e Territoriali, “Archivio storico delle elezioni, Comunali 26/05/2013 Area ITALIA Regione LAZIO Provincia ROMA Comune ROMA,” https://elezionistorico.interno.gov.it/index.php?tpel=G&dtel=26/05/2013&tpa=I&tpe=C&lev0=0&levsut0=0&lev1=12&levsut1=1&lev2=70&levsut2=2&lev3=900&levsut3=3&ne1=12&ne2=70&ne3=700900&es0=S&es1=S&es2=S&es3=N&ms=S.
[10] Dipartimento per gli AffariInterni e Territoriali, “Archivio storico delle elezioni, Comunali 05/06/2016 Area ITALIA Regione LAZIO Provincia ROMA Comune ROMA,” https://elezionistorico.interno.gov.it/index.php?tpel=G&dtel=05/06/2016&tpa=I&tpe=C&lev0=0&levsut0=0&lev1=12&levsut1=1&lev2=70&levsut2=2&lev3=900&levsut3=3&ne1=12&ne2=70&ne3=700900&es0=S&es1=S&es2=S&es3=N&ms=S.
[11] “Elezioni Bolzano 2016, i risultati: ballottaggio Pd-centrodestra. Affluenza del 56%. Sorpresa Casapound al 6%,” il Fatto Quotidiano, May 9, 2016, https://www.ilfattoquotidiano.it/2016/05/09/comunali-bolzano-sara-ballottaggio-pd-centrodestra-affluenza-del-56/2708110/.
[12] Giada Zampano, “‘We need to slap Italians in the face with what fascism really was,’” Politico, August 16, 2017, https://www.politico.eu/article/italy-fascism-legacy-chioggia-beach-mus….
[13] Dipartimento per gli AffariInterni e Territoriali, “Archivio storico delle elezioni, Camera 04/03/2018 Area ITALIA,” https://elezionistorico.interno.gov.it/index.php?tpel=C&dtel=04/03/2018&tpa=I&tpe=A&lev0=0&levsut0=0&es0=S&ms=S.
[14] Erica X Eisen, “Italy’s Green Fascists,” Jewish Currents, September 18, 2019, https://jewishcurrents.org/italys-green-fascists/.
[15] Maddalena Gretel Cammelli, “The legacy of fascism in the present: ‘third millennium fascists’ in Italy,” Journal of Modern Italian Studies 23, no 2 (2018): 199-214, https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571X.2018.1427952.
[16] “Progetto,” Mutuo Sociale, Casapound Italia, https://donotlink.it/MV7j1. An archived version is available here https://web.archive.org/web/20200421144840/https://www.mutuosociale.org…;
[17] Elisabetta Cassina Wolff, “CasaPound Italia: ‘Back to Believing. The Struggle Continues’”, Fascism 8, 1: 61-88, https://doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00801004.
[18] Pietro Castelli Gattinara, Caterina Froio, and Matteo Albanese. “The appeal of neo-fascism in times of crisis. The experience of CasaPound Italia”, Fascism 2, 2: 234-258, https://doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00202007; Caterina Froio and Pietro Castelli Gattinara, “Neofascist mobilization in contemporary Italy. Ideology and repertoire of action of CasaPoun,” Journal for Deradicalization 2, (2015): (86-118).
[19] Maddalena Gretel Cammelli, Fascisti del terzo millennio. Per un’antropologia di CasaPound, (Verona: Ombre Corte, 2015); Maddalena Gretel Cammelli, Fascistes du troisième millénaire. Un phénomène italien? (Milan: Editions Mimésis, 2017).
[20] Elia Rosati, CasaPound Italia. Fascisti del terzo millennio (Milano-Udine: Mimesis, 2018).
[21] “Fasciobook: credere, obbedire, condividere,” Patria Indipendente, April 16, 2018, http://www.patriaindipendente.it/persone-e-luoghi/inchieste/fasciobook-credere-obbedire-condividere/.
[22] Gabriele Adinolfi, “Sorpasso Neuronico. Il prolungato omega della destra radicale e i vaghi bagliori dell’alfa,” 2008, http://www.gabrieleadinolfi.it/Sorpassoneuronico.pdf. All translations by the author, unless noted otherwise.
[23] Tobias Jones, “The fascist movement that has brought Mussolini back to the mainstream,” The Guardian, February 22, 2018, https://www.theguardian.com/news/2018/feb/22/casapound-italy-mussolini-….
[24] Matteo Albanese, Giorgia Bulli, Pietro Castelli Gattinara, and Caterina Froio, Fascisti di un altro millennio? Crisi e partecipazione in CasaPound (Roma: Bonanno Editore, 2014), 84.
[25] Maddalena Gretel Cammelli, “The legacy of fascism in the present: ‘third millennium fascists’ in Italy,” Journal of Modern Italian Studies 23, no 2 (2018): 199-214, https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571X.2018.1427952.
[26] ZetaZeroAlfa, “Cinghiamattanza,.”
[27] The ethnography for my PhD in anthropology was carried out in Rome in 2010. All references to testimonies of CasaPound’s activists come from that fieldwork.
[28] George L. Mosse, La Nazionalizzazione delle Masse. Simbolismo Politico e Movimenti di Massa in Germania dalle Guerre Napoleoniche al Terzo Reich (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1975).
[29] David Kertzer, Riti e Simboli del Potere (Roma- Bari: Laterza, 1989)
[30] Christian Raimo, “Ritratto del neofascista da giovane,” Internazionale, January 29, 2018, https://www.internazionale.it/reportage/christian-raimo/2018/01/29/neofascismo-scuola-ragazzi.
[31] Giovanna De Maio, “Matteo Salvini is out but not down,” Brookings, September 4, 2019, https://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2019/09/04/matteo-salvini-is-out-but-not-down/.
[32] Tash Shifrin, “Italy: fascism on the rise as Lega Nord and Casa Pound join forces,” Dream Deferred, June 1, 2015, https://www.dreamdeferred.org.uk/2015/06/italy-fascism-on-the-rise-as-lega-nord-and-casa-pound-join-forces/.
[33] Dario Lapenta, “Quando Matteo Salvini andava a cena con CasaPound,” nextQuotidiano, May 12, 2018, https://www.nextquotidiano.it/matteo-salvini-cena-casapound/.
[34] Archie Farquharson, “Salvini hits headlines in CasaPound clothing controversy,” The Italian Insider, May 11, 2018, http://www.italianinsider.it/?q=node/6727.
[35] Cristina Abellan Matamoros and Antonio Sorto, “Self-proclaimed fascist banned from Turin book fair after boycott call,” Euronews, October 5, 2019, https://www.euronews.com/2019/05/09/self-proclaimed-fascist-banned-from….
[36] R4Mantifa, “29 Ottobre 2008 - I burattini del potere,” November 10, 2008, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TnFgrJ3niL4&has_verified=1.
[37] Milano In Movimento, “CasaPound Milano S.P.A. – Pivert,” Dinamo Press, October 14, 2017, https://www.dinamopress.it/news/casapound-milano-s-p-a-pivert/.
[38] Silvia Sanna, “Francesco Polacchi, l’editore fascista, accoltellò un sassarese,” La Nuova, May 8, 2019, https://www.lanuovasardegna.it/regione/2019/05/08/news/polacchi-l-edito….
[39] Dario Lapenta, “Quando Matteo Salvini andava a cena con CasaPound,” nextQuotidiano, May 12, 2018, https://www.nextquotidiano.it/matteo-salvini-cena-casapound/.
[40] Chiara Sandrucci, “Polacchi (Altaforte): «La sinistra del Salone vuole libertà culturale poi però ci censura»,” Corriere Torino, May 6, 2019, https://torino.corriere.it/cronaca/19_maggio_06/polacchi-altoforte-la-sinistra-vuole-liberta-culturale-poi-pero-ci-censura-98219d6a-6fcf-11e9-90a6-5e2915e36bd9.shtml#
[41] “Polacchi, dell’editrice Altaforte: “Sì sono fascista. Mussolini il miglior statista italiano”,” La Repubblica, May 6, 2019, https://torino.repubblica.it/cronaca/2019/05/06/news/polacchi_dell_ditrice_altaforte_si_sono_fascista_mussolini_il_miglior_statista_italiano_-225594832/ .
[42] “Polacchi, dell’editrice Altaforte: “Sì sono fascista. Mussolini il miglior statista italiano”,” La Repubblica, May 6, 2019, https://torino.repubblica.it/cronaca/2019/05/06/news/polacchi_dell_ditrice_altaforte_si_sono_fascista_mussolini_il_miglior_statista_italiano_-225594832/ .
[43] “Salone del libro di Torino, Francesco Polacchi indagato per apologia di fascismo,” Il Messaggero, May 8, 2019, https://www.ilmessaggero.it/politica/salone_libro_torino_francesco_pola….
[44] Mimmo Franzinelli, “Squadrism,” in The Oxford Handbook of Fascism, ed. R. J. B. Bosworth (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 91-108.
[45] Maddalena Gretel Cammelli, “The legacy of fascism in the present: ‘third millennium fascists’ in Italy,” Journal of Modern Italian Studies 23, no 2 (2018): 199-214, https://doi.org/10.1080/1354571X.2018.1427952.
[46] “Casa Pound/Concia, come sarà andato l’incontro/scontro?,” Gay.it, October 1, 2009, https://www.gay.it/attualita/news/casa-pound-concia-come-sara-andato-l-incontro-scontro; Mario Cirrito, “Anna Paola Concia: Su alcuni diritti meglio Casa Pound del Pd,” QueerBlog, October 2, 2009, https://www.queerblog.it/post/6205/anna-paola-concia-su-alcuni-diritti-meglio-casa-pound-del-pd.
[47] For a complete list of episodes of fascist violence in Italy see the antifascist site and the map at http://www.ecn.org/antifa/.
[48] Maddalena Gretel Cammelli, “Fascism as a style of life. Community life and violence in a neofascist movement in Italy,” Focaal, Journal of Global and Historical Anthropology 79, (2017): 89-101, https://doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2017.790108; Valerio Renzi, “Un lupo solitario dentro CasaPound?” ed. Elia Rosati, CasaPound Italia. Fascisti del terzo millennio (Milano-Udine: Mimesis, 2018)., 221-227; Tom Kington, “Florence gunman shoots Senegalese street vendors dead,” The Guardian, December 13, 2011, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/dec/13/florence-gunman-shoots-street-vendors.
[49] “Renzi: orrore figlio del razzismo ma questa città ha gli anticorpi per fermare chi predica l’ odio ,” la Repubblica, December 14, 2011, https://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2011/12/14/renzi-orrore-figlio-del-razzismo-ma-questa.html?.
[50] Camilla Hawthorne, “Anti-racism without race,” Africa is a Country, September 15, 2016, https://africasacountry.com/2016/09/anti-racism-without-race-in-italy.
[51] Tobias Jones, “The fascist movement that has brought Mussolini back to the mainstream,” The Guardian, February 22, 2018, https://www.theguardian.com/news/2018/feb/22/casapound-italy-mussolini-….
[52] “Il Tribunale dà torto alla figlia di Ezra Pound: ‘Legittimo il nome Casapound,’” Adnkronos, October 6, 2016, https://donotlink.it/7pn4r.
[53] Ministero dell’Interno, Dipartimento di Pubblica Sicurezza, Direzione Centrale della Polizia di Prevenzione. N.224/SIG.DIV2/Sez.2/4333. Rome, April 11, 2015, https://insorgenze.net/2016/01/30/il-documento-shock-del-ministero-dellinterno-casapound-solo-bravi-ragazzi/.